In many ways, Poland is one of the success
stories of the new Europe, transforming itself
from a one-party state to a parliamentary
democracy in a remarkably short period of time.
More than a decade of non-communist governments
has wrought profound changes on the country,
unleashing entrepreneurial energies and widening
cultural horizons in a way that pre-1989
generations would have scarcely thought possible.
Gleaming corporate skyscrapers have taken root
in Warsaw, and private shops and cafés have
established themselves in even the most
provincial of rural towns. The country has a
radically different look about it, having
exchanged the greyish tinge of a state-regulated
society for the anything-goes attitude of
private enterprise - and all the billboards and
window displays that go with it.
However at the heart of modern Poland lies an
all-too-familiar paradox: the very people who
made the country's democratic revolution
possible - militant industrial workers and
anticommunist intellectuals - have found
themselves marginalized in a society in which
street-smart businessmen and computer-literate
youth are far better poised to take advantage of
the brave new Poland's burgeoning opportunities.
All this may come as a shock to those who
recall the Poland of the 1980s, when images of
industrial unrest and anticommunist protest were
beamed around the world. Strikes at the Lenin
shipyards of Gdansk and other industrial centres
were the harbingers of the disintegration of
communism in Eastern Europe, and, throughout the
years of martial law and beyond, Poland retained
a near-mythical status among outside observers
as the country that had done most to retain its
dignity in the face of communist oppression.
For many Poles, the most important events in
the movement towards a post-communist society
were the visits in 1979 and 1983 of Pope John
Paul II , the former archbishop of Kraków.
To the outside world this may have been
surprising, but Poland was never a typical
communist state: Stalin's verdict was that
imposing communism on Poland was like trying to
saddle a cow. Polish society in the postwar
decades remained fundamentally traditional,
maintaining beliefs, peasant life and a sense of
nationhood to which the Catholic Church
was integral. During periods of foreign
oppression - oppression so severe that Poland as
a political entity has sometimes vanished
altogether from the maps of Europe - the Church
was always the principal defender of the nation's
identity, so that the Catholic faith and the
struggle for independence have become fused in
the Polish consciousness. The physical presence
of the Church is inescapable - in Baroque
buildings, roadside shrines and images of the
national icon, the Black Madonna of
Czestochowa - and the determination to
preserve the memories of an often traumatic past
finds expression in religious rituals that can
both attract and repel onlookers.
World War II and its aftermath
profoundly influenced the character of Poland:
the country suffered at the hands of the Nazis
as no other in Europe, losing nearly twenty
percent of its population and virtually its
entire Jewish community. In 1945 the Soviet
-dominated nation was once again given new
borders, losing its eastern lands to the USSR
and gaining tracts of formerly German territory
in the west. The resulting make-up of the
population is far more uniformly "Polish"
than at any time in the past, in terms of both
language and religion, though there are still ethnic
minorities of Belarusians, Germans,
Lithuanians, Slovaks, Ukrainians and even Muslim
Tatars.
To a great extent, the sense of social
fluidity, of a country still in the throes of
major transitions, remains a primary source of
Poland's fascination. A decisive attempt to
break with the communist past as well as
tenacious adherence to the path of radical
market economic reforms adopted in the late
1980s have remained the guiding tenets of
Poland's new political leadership - a course
seemingly unaltered by the changing political
complexion of successive governments. Few would
question the economic and human toll reaped by
Poland's attempt to reach the El Dorado of
capitalist prosperity - not least among the most
vulnerable sectors of society: public sector
employees, farmers, pensioners and the semi- or
unemployed. Despite this, the Polish people, as
so often before, continue to demonstrate what to
the visitor may appear an extraordinary
resilience and patience. Hope springs eternal in
the minds of Poles, it seems, and for all the
hardships involved in establishing a new
economic order - an order to which the majority
of Poles retain a remarkable, if grumbling,
political commitment - individual and collective
initiative and enterprise of every conceivable
kind is flourishing as almost nowhere else in
the region.
Symbolizing a transformed geopolitical
landscape, the new millennium finds Poland a
member of NATO , the US-led military
alliance of which it was - officially at least -
a sworn enemy only ten years previously. Perhaps
even more significantly, Poland, along with
neighbours the Czech Republic and Hungary, is
now decisively engaged in EU membership
negotiations, a move that if - or more
accurately, when - it actually happens promises
to transform the country more profoundly than
anything since the advent of communism.
Tourism is proving no exception to
Poland's general "all change" rule,
but despite the continuing state of flux in the
country's tourist infrastructure, it is now
easier to explore the country than anyone could
have imagined only a few years back. This sea
change is reflected in continuing and
significant increases in the numbers of people
visiting the country.
Encounters with the people are at the
core of any experience of the country. On trains
and buses, on the streets or in the village bar,
you'll never be stuck for opportunities for
contact: Polish hospitality is legendary, and
there's a natural progression from a chance
meeting to an introduction to the extended
family. Even the most casual visitor might be
served a prodigious meal at any hour of the day,
usually with a bottle or two of local vodka
brought out from the freezer.